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  • 21 August 2013: several hundred people die of sarin poisoning in Ghouta, Syria. February 2017: Kim Jong Nam, the half-brother of North Koreas leader is killed with VX nerve agent while checking in at Kuala Lampur International Airport in Malaysia. 7 April 2018: dozens of people die in a chemical attack in the city of Douma which, according to Russia was staged by the enemies of the Syrian regime. March 2018: attempted murder of former Russian spy and his daughter with a Novichok nerve agent in Salisbury. Chemical weapons which, until recently, were associated (at least in Europe) primarily with the horror of gas attacks during World War I, have yet again crawled into the spotlight, with the media publishing drastic photos of its victims on a regular basis. Have chemical weapons been thrown away to the rubbish dump of history too early? Have international disarmament regimes failed? And will chemical attacks and chemical terrorism become a part of the new day-to-day reality of conflicts in the 21st century?
  • The decisions by NATO heads of state and government adopted in Newport (2014) and Warsaw (2016) did much to renew the Alliance’s military credibility. They were the correct reaction, even if viewed by many as too weak, to the threats arising from Russia.
  • NATO’s Warsaw summit in July 2016 ushered in a new era for the Alliance and the European project. The backdrop itself was historic: NATO allies convened in Poland for a summit for the first time in Alliance history, and did so just weeks following the UK’s historic ‘Brexit’ vote.
  • Thinking about the enhancement of Poland’s security in the context of its membership of NATO, I look into the future with a great deal of optimism. It is inspired primarily by the outcome of the NATO summit last July, which Poland had the privilege to host.
  • Sławomir Dębski: It seems that European integration has been decelerating. It has become more and more difficult to achieve unity. Tensions between the United States and Europe have also heightened. Perhaps there is a trade war ahead of us. Many observers claim that we are witnessing the disintegration of the West. I believe they exaggerate. What is your opinion?

  • Przed wejściem w bardziej szczegółowe rozważania o tym, jakiej Unii potrzebujemy, chciałbym podkreślić, że Unii Europejskiej po prostu chcemy. I nie chodzi tu o płytkie postrzeganie jednokierunkowej pomocy w tzw. modernizacji. Takie myślenie, wciąż widoczne w naszym dyskursie publicznym, może tylko zadziwiać po ponad 10 latach członkostwa. Kraj, który słusznie oczekuje podmiotowości, nie może swej roli definiować tylko w kategoriach biorcy.
  • Komisja Europejska 20 grudnia 2017 r. uznała, że zainicjowane w Polsce zmiany porządku prawnego w zakresie organizacji sądownictwa stanowią zagrożenie dla praworządności – kluczowej zasady państwa prawnego, w oparciu o którą działa Unia Europejska.
  • On December 20, 2017, the European Commission opined that changes initiated in Poland with respect to the judicial system could constitute a threat to the rule of law, which forms the basis of the European Union. 
  • A key challenge for the European Union today is the risk of institutional disintegration, whether in the political, economic or constitutional dimension. Because of such factors as the financial crisis, Brexit, and problems with border security and integrity, demands for a two-speed Europe have met with approval from some West European elites. 
  • The UK referendum, particularly the outcome, marked a radical watershed in the integration process. For the first time, a majority of the citizens of an EU country, and a populous one at that, had expressed a negative opinion of EU integration.
  • While just a couple of years ago one would have found it hard to imagine the Old Continent without the European Union, after Brexit this prospect is no longer seen as impossible in the long run. But if the Union survives, as I strongly believe it will, I am positive that the Republic of Poland will be part of it.
  • The political-military situation in which NATO now functions is particularly complicated. Old threats have acquired new dimensions, and those once regarded as merely theoretical have become quite real. Moreover, such phenomena as globalisation and the development of information systems and military technology have brought new challenges in their wake.
  • Before entering into a detailed discussion about what sort of Union Poland needs, let me first emphatically state that Poland does want the European Union. And I am not referring merely to a perception of one-way assistance with so-called modernisation. After 10 years of membership, one cannot help but be surprised by such thinking, still prevalent in the Polish public discourse. If we rightly expect to be treated as an independent political actor, we cannot define our role exclusively in terms of being a recipient.
  • If European politics was an amusement park, Franco-polish relations would be a roller coaster and a house of mirrors. Over the last three years, bilateral relations between Warsaw and Paris went from one of its highest to one of its lowest points in recent history.
  • The hundredth anniversary of the end of World War I is being commemorated in an atmosphere of decadence of the liberal world order – an order created by the United States and maintained by it until the present day. Its main achievements are: democratisation of politics between nations; recognition of nations’ rights to self-determination; universalisation of international law together with the prohibition of unilateral use of force or a threat to use it as a foreign policy tool, as well as a cooperative approach to common security and trade liberalisation. These systemic achievements are reflected in institutionalisation of international relations.

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